Is anthropology art or science?


In this previous blog post about the relationship between anthropology and art I quoted Susan Hiller, an academic that left the field of anthropology to become an artist in order to escape ‘the writing of a doctoral thesis whose objectification of the contrariness of lived events was destined to become another complicit thread woven into the fabric of ‘evidence’ that would help anthropology become a ‘science’’. Hiller thinks that anthropology cannot be science. In that same post I asked if anthropologists can pick up on Hillers thoughts without giving up anthropology in its entirety. I want to go back to this question and consider Carrithers paper on the question 'Is Anthropology art or science?'

First of, I think it’s quite interesting to see that Carrithers doesn’t seem to be very interested in the ‘art’ part of his question. That said, I think his question is misleading in that the paper makes no effort in considering the assumption that anthropology might be, in fact, art. Nonetheless, there are some overlapping points that both Hiller and Carrithers make that I would like to examine.
To begin with, there might be some important differences in the understanding of science of both. The way I understand Hillers critical view on science is that she thinks of it as a tightly woven fabric, a firm foundation whereupon facts should rest on. Anthropology, as the study of the human world (including art) on the other hand fails at creating ‘science’ because it has to interact with the people involved on a personal base in order to make sense of the world they live in and gather meaningful experiences of their world. Thus, the objectivity attributed to ‘science’ limits the anthropologists in revealing the nature of the realities studied. 
Carrithers, though, is well aware of the problems that such claims of objectivity bring. What Carrithers proposes is an understanding of science that is measured not by the absolute certainty of the knowledge it creates but rather by its ‘usefulness within specific human practices’. So the question shouldn’t be if the collected data from ethnographic fieldwork is absolutely true, but if it one could act appropriately in the field with the knowledge that one gained.

What I find interesting about this is that both Hiller and Carrithers come to similar conclusions. However, It should be noted that Hiller explicitly refers to the study of art in anthropology, while Carrithers paper is concerned with the general study of the human world. Regardless of these differences both stress the importance of interaction in the study of the human. Hiller thinks that ‘art exists primarily in its relationship to the viewer who must participate in it, intimately experience it’. Similarly, Carrithers claims that ‘we cannot seek an absolutely correct, unequivocal, "scientific" understanding of such mental states apart from interaction, for it is only interaction that gives them sense’. Precisely because of its nature as a human activity, science is unable to generate absolute truths alienated from the ‘world of human practice’. In this sense Hiller, as an artist, and Carrithers, as an anthropologists, might agree on more than I thought.
So, where can art be located in all this?

soundscapes


'[Sound] is a great source of knowledge because hearing enables you to gather information, to appreciate, to have a response to the environment. But then so does seeing, smelling, touching, feeling, tasting. Sound is very important but it's not the only thing that is important. More and more it interests me how our senses interact to create our composite or our whole feeling.'

Peter Cusack is a field recording artist. He examines soundscapes and uses sound as a way of documenting places. I find Cusacks sound maps  especially interesting because they seem like an interesting contribution to ethnography.



The creativity of copying



Cars were invented, toasters and scissors were invented. When they were invented, they seemed useful and specific tasks were made easier or maybe even possible in the first place. Most people would be inclined to say that these were innovations and that their creation was a truly creative act because it required thinking ‘outside the box’, and explore possibilities beyond the ones that had already been exploited. In the case of the invention of the car one could even add that it marked a ‘unique moment of radical disjuncture’, because its coming into existence changed the way of modern life and triggered new processes. Manufacturing a car today means reproducing conventional models of engineering and it’s not seen as a creative process unless it involves the making of some sort of ‘new’ design or technology. Thus, creativity produces novelty. This is they way most people, including anthropologists like John Liep, understand creativity and innovation.

Tim Ingold and Elizabeth Hallam disagree with this view and ascribe this notion of novelty and invention to a so called ‘backwards reading of modernity’. They challenge the polarity between innovation and convention and the belief that ‘nothing is created that was not designed in advance’. To say that innovation is creativity means to look at the outcome, the final product and judge it in terms of its non-conformity to convention. According to this logic, manufacturing a car that replicates an existing model is just an act of imitation. However, what Ingold and Hallam suggest is to look at the process rather than the result. By doing so, we can realize that reproducing and copying takes ‘effort, attention and even problem-solving’ because maintaining an established convention means to accommodate a fixed model to the realities of an inconstant and ever-changing world. This forward reading shows that creativity does not equal innovation but improvisation. If we look at a car that has just been manufactured and deem it a copy of an existing model, then it’s only because we look at the finished product and see the resemblance between the copy and the model. But this resemblance, they suggest, is ‘an outcome of the process’ and ‘not given in advance’. Manufacturers had to improvise and adapt to new challenges to make an exact copy of the model. They had to be creative.

Is adjustment creativity? While this view seems perfectly plausible within its logic, to me, it seems like a difficult concept to grasp when applied to practical examples. To accept the act of imitation as creativity seems particularly hard because it requires breaking out of the scheme of ‘backwards reading’ that is so deeply rooted in all areas of modern society. The ‘forward reading’ is not only challenging our established concept of creativity but it also confronts us with a possibly faulty concept of the human imagination, which we think of as free from the ‘determinations of both nature and society’.

What anthropology sees in art, and vice versa


Before becoming an artist, Susan Hiller completed a Ph.D. in Anthropology. One day, during a lecture on African art in a ‘moment of brief clarity’ she promised herself ‘to happily abandon the writing of a doctoral thesis whose objectification of the contrariness of lived events was destined to become another complicit thread woven into the fabric of ‘evidence’ that would help anthropology become a ‘science’.’ What is it about the way anthropologists work and the way they see art that upset the artist so much that after years of dedication to the subject she decided to abandon anthropology?
Anthropologists have traditionally been interested in the ‘art’ of the people they studied. The study of art in these cultures was closely, or even exclusively, linked to the so-called ‘material culture’. In their fieldwork, ethnographers looked at a range of objects, the technology applied in their making and at the underlying meaning in the broader cultural context.
However, anthropology has evolved since then. As Peoples and Bailey describe in their textbook ‘An introduction to Cultural Anthropology’ anthropology today is interested in the study of art as part of a culture’s expression of aesthetic values and ideals. Anthropology recognizes the many forms of artistic expression: clothing, basketry, architecture, music, dance and theatre. Through art, the artist communicates encoded ‘meanings and messages in symbolic forms’. Art for an anthropologist is part of the culture they study and can only be understood within the cultural framework. Or as Peoples and Bailey put it: ‘Anthropologists are not interested in art simply for art’s sake. […] art is embedded in a cultural context.'
At this point, I began to wonder.
In creating art, is the artist merely reproducing their ‘culture’?
As an artist, Hiller has her own stance on the subject. Distancing herself from anthropology, Hiller suggests that artists not only perpetuate but also modify and change their culture by stressing hidden, suppressed or unrecognized aspects. Therefore, artists act as experts of their culture.
So should anthropologist turn to these experts in order to collect their field data?
For Hiller, the problem of anthropology’s view on art lies deeper than that. She claims that ‘art exists primarily in its relationship to the viewer who must participate in it, intimately experience it’. There is simply no room for objectivity. If art must be felt and experienced on a very intimate and personal level, then there are only limited possibilities for an anthropologist to objectively observe art. Consequently, anthropological participant/observer split activities become a vain endeavor.
One question remains.
Can anthropologists pick up on Hillers thoughts without giving up anthropology in its entirety?

Definition


matter / noun
something that is being done, talked about, or thought about
the situation or subject that is being discussed or dealt with
the thing that forms physical objects and occupies space

matter / verb
to be important

"Matter." Merriam-Webster.com. Merriam-Webster, n.d. Web. 7 Apr. 2014. <http://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/matter>.